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To encrypt private cookies, Rocket uses the 256-bit key specified in the secret_key configuration parameter. If one is not specified, Rocket will automatically generate a fresh key. Note, however, that a private cookie can only be decrypted with the same key with which it was encrypted. As such, it is important to set a secret_key configuration parameter when using private cookies so that cookies decrypt properly after an application restart. Rocket emits a warning if an application is run in production without a configured secret_key .

Generating a string suitable for use as a secret_key configuration value is usually done through tools like openssl . Using openssl , a 256-bit base64 key can be generated with the command openssl rand -base64 32 .

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section of the guide.

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Because the cookies guard will fire before the custom guard, the custom guard will retrieve an instance of Cookies when one already exists for cookies . This scenario can be fixed by simply swapping the order of the guards:

At some point, your web application will need to process body data. Data processing, like much of Rocket, is type directed. To indicate that a handler expects data, annotate it with data = "<param>" , where param is an argument in the handler. The argument's type must implement the Mens RubberStrap Leather amp; Mesh Sneakers CALVIN KLEIN 205W39NYC 5E3p5u
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Crime Guns with Recent Unrecorded Transactions or Out-of-State Purchases Were Likely Trafficked

Certain trace data points are particularly helpful to identify likely-trafficked guns. The most important is “time-to-crime” which is the time between the recorded date of purchase compared to the date of recovery. Guns that have a low “time-to-crime” — those firearms that are recovered by law enforcement within three years of their purchase — carry strong indicia that they were purchased with the intent to be diverted to criminal use. laser cut detail high top sneakers White Just Cavalli W1koUN5zF2
Other important trace data points include information about whether the possessor of the gun at the time of recovery is different than the person who purchased the gun and whether the state of purchase is different than the recovery state. If a gun has been recovered in a short period of time and also moved across state borders and/or between private individuals it is likely the gun was recently trafficked.

As described more fully in the Double T mules Black Tods AT7cqnM
, we combined these data points into a numeric snapshot that estimates the crime gun’s likelihood of having been recently trafficked. For every gun in the dataset, we created a score for each of (i) time-to-crime (“TTC”), (ii) border-crossing (“BC”), and (iii) unrecorded gun transactions (“UGT”). These three scores were then weighted and added together to form one “Trafficking Index” with scores ranging from 0-100. Because of its key link to trafficking, time-to-crime (TTC) was weighted more in the Index than moving across state lines (BC) and an unrecorded gun transaction (UGT). But because a border-crossing or unrecorded-gun-transaction are conditions precedent for trafficking, a Trafficking Index score will not be “high” without at least one of these attributes. A gun with a high Trafficking Index (closer to 100) suggests it was trafficked. Likewise, an area with a high average Trafficking Index has a higher proportion of trafficked guns. Even though a high score strongly suggests trafficking, we use the term “likely-trafficked” in the report because trace data alone cannot definitively determine whether a gun was trafficked.

Trafficking Index = (80% × Time-to-Crime) + (10% × Border Crossing) + (10% × Unrecorded Gun Transaction)

That said, any attempt to use trace data alone to identify trafficked guns will lead to underreporting; a low Trafficking Index does not mean a gun was not trafficked. First, in the NYAG’s experience, and as acknowledged by ATF, many older, used-guns are obtained and sold by traffickers and, even if recovered immediately upon entering New York, will lead to a low Trafficking Index score because of a longer time-to-crime. Second, a gun may be purchased anew and trafficked immediately into New York, but not be used in a crime or recovered for years, thus leading to a lower trafficking index score. In light of these facts gleaned from NYAG gun trafficking cases, we have weighted time-to-crime accordingly in our index to allow for guns slightly older than three years to be included. Third, because nearly half of all recoveries in our data have no recorded date of purchase, they are not given a Trafficking Index score, though many of them may be trafficked firearms. For this reason, when we express percentages of likely-trafficked guns, we compare raw numbers only to those guns for which we have time-to-crime data.

Key Terms

Time-to-Crime

Time Between The Recorded Date Of Purchase Compared To The Date Of Recovery.

Border Crossing

Guns Recovered In New York Where The Original State Of Purchase Is Not New York.

Unrecorded Gun Transaction

Guns Where The Possessor Was Different Than The Original Purchaser.

Trafficked

Guns That Were Purchased With The Intent To Sell Or Transfer Illegally.

The NYAG considers firearms with a Trafficking Index greater than or equal to 85 to have been likely purchased with the intent to illegally divert the firearm. A score of 90 or more is highly indicative that the gun was recently trafficked. Understanding the attributes of these weapons is extremely useful to law enforcement’s efforts to combat gun trafficking.

A Trafficking Score Of 90+ Is Highly Indicative Of Recent Trafficking.

We reviewed New York aggregate crime gun trace information from 2010-2015. While our Tracing Analytics Platform enables New Yorkers to explore the aggregate data themselves, here are the highlights:

Recoveries

New York State law enforcement agencies recovered 52,915 firearms between 2010-2015. In 2015 alone, New York recovered 7,827 guns.

Originated Out-of-State

34,344 of the 46,514 recovered guns with a known source state originated outside of New York – well above the national average. Almost half of these guns originated in six states known to have weak gun laws.

Handguns

39,491 recoveries were handguns, of which 86% originated out-of-state. Handguns are known to be the weapon of choice among violent criminals.

Low Time-to-Crime

Of the 30,606 guns with complete time-to-crime data, 5,873 were recovered within three years of the last known recorded purchase. 2,437 guns were recovered within one year of purchase.

Purchaser = Possessor

Only 3,208 guns were recovered from a possessor who was also the original purchaser of the gun. About half of these were low-time-to-crime guns.

Recently Trafficked

Of the 30,595 guns for which we have complete data, 6,162 exhibited indicia of recent trafficking and scored 90 or above in the Trafficking Index.

Out-of-State Handguns

For all the guns recovered in New York State, over half belong to a single category: out-of-state handguns. If we count only those guns for which we have complete data, 65% percent of all recoveries are out-of-state handguns.

Comparison of New York recoveries to national averages for 2015 provides important context for understanding New York’s crime gun and trafficking patterns relative to other states. In 2015, New York recovered 7,827 guns, a relatively low number for a state its size according to NYAG's data. And with about 40 recoveries per 100,000 people in 2015, New York had half the per-capita recoveries compared to the national per-capita average (84 per 100,000 people).

However, our data shows that for guns with a recorded state of purchase (6,799), 75% of crime guns originated out-of-state in 2015, more than the national average (29%) of out-of-state sources of crime guns. The difference for low time-to-crime guns is even starker: nationwide, only 17% of guns recovered within three years of purchase originated out-of-state, compared to of these guns in New York in 2015.

As described in more detail below, our analysis of the data revealed variation among New York’s regions as to out-of-state contributions of crime guns and also found some commonality among these regions as to the sources of likely-trafficked guns.

New York Has Seven Distinct Markets for Crime Guns

High total recoveries of crime guns in an area show that illegal guns are in demand and represent a possible “market“ jurisdiction for gun traffickers. This map of all recoveries in New York from 2010-2015 shows clusters in and around New York’s biggest cities: New York City, the Lower-Hudson Valley (including the cities of Yonkers, White Plains, Newburgh, Poughkeepsie), the Capital Region (including Albany, Troy and Schenectady), Syracuse, Rochester, and Buffalo.

New York State

Total Recovered Guns:

52,915

Percent Originating Out-of-State:

74%

Trafficking Index:

73

Total Recovered Handguns:

39,491

90% of all crime guns in New York were recovered from these seven markets. These areas also accounted for 90% or more of all handgun recoveries, low time-to-crime guns, low time-to-crime handguns, and likely-trafficked guns. Of the 47,403 guns recovered from these markets, over three quarters (36,468) were handguns. Of the 27,755 guns with time-to-crime and source state information, 19% (5,218) were low time-to-crime guns and 34% (9,309) were probably purchased to be illegally diverted while 21% (5,793) were likely- trafficked.

Variation in Out-of-State Sources by Market Shows Impact of State and Local Laws

Of the 52,915 crime guns recovered in New York between 2010 and 2015, 74% have a recorded sale from an FFL located in a state other than New York. As the chart below shows, the number of guns originating out-of-state varies by crime gun market. In every market except New York City, the percentage of in-state guns increases when we look only at low time-to-crime guns. In contrast, among low time-to-crime handguns, the in-state figure drops to 14% as every market sees a marked increase in percentage of out-of-state recoveries.

All markets in New York State obtain the majority of their crime guns from out-of-state, with the exception of Rochester. New York City, with its rigorous permitting requirements for all guns, has the highest percentage of out-of-state guns (87%). New York City is followed by Long Island and the Lower Hudson Valley, with 73% and 70% of guns originating out-of-state, respectively.

New York's Likely-Trafficked Guns Predominately Come from Iron Pipeline States

The NYAG’s Organized Crime Task Force and other law enforcement agencies have frequently disrupted gun trafficking schemes that purchase firearms, predominately handguns, in states south of New York along the I-95 corridor and that transport the weapons to New York markets. These states — Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida — have been identified as net “exporter” or “supplier” states and the steady stream of firearms along the interstate has earned it the nickname “the Iron Pipeline.” Our analysis of the data shows these states deserve their anecdotal nickname. In addition to the Iron Pipeline states, Ohio, which has easy access to western New York via I-90, stands out as an important but often overlooked source of crime guns, particularly to the Buffalo, Rochester, and Syracuse markets.

The below map shows the percentage of New York’s likely-trafficked guns, those guns with a trafficking index of greater than or equal to 90. There were 6,162 guns recovered around the State in this set, of which 5,793 (94%) were recovered in a market jurisdiction.

70% of likely-trafficked guns recovered in New York originated in Iron Pipeline states. Approximately 95% of these guns were handguns. Virginia (15%), Georgia (13%), and Pennsylvania (13%) were the top three source states for out-of-state likely-trafficked guns.

New York’s Gun Traffickers Choose States with Weak Gun Laws to Get their Guns

There were certain commonalities among the states that supply New York with its trafficked guns. First, all are “net exporters” of crime guns according to ATF national statistics. Each also generally scores poorly on objective measures of the strength of gun safety laws. In particular, these states lack gun laws fundamental to preventing illegal diversion. For instance, all but one of these states have no requirements for background checks for private sales or at gun shows (Pennsylvania, and only for handguns). And all but one do not require a permit prior to a handgun purchase (North Carolina). This is a stark contrast to the other states along I-95 south, which were responsible for just over 2% of New York’s trafficked guns combined. New Jersey, for instance, requires a permit for handguns and long guns, each requiring a background check. Even though New Jersey shares a border with and has several major arteries into New York, it contributed less than one percent of New York’s trafficked guns.

From New York’s vantage point, the correlation between state and local laws and the source of trafficked guns is undeniable. We believe the weakness of the gun laws in the Iron Pipeline states and Ohio, combined with direct access to New York via interstate highways and public transportation, has made them become the source-of-choice among gun traffickers running guns into New York.

New York Pipeline

Total Guns to New York:

18,361

Percentage of Trafficked Guns to New York:

76%

Trafficking Index:

78

Handguns Sent to New York:

17,085

New York's Pipeline, which includes Ohio, supplies a steady stream of guns to New York State. Nearly 35% of all guns and over 43% of all handguns originated in these seven states. In every state's own right, they score poorly on gun safety laws, especially those necessary to prevent illegal diversion. With easy access to New York via I-95 and I-90, gun traffickers tend to obtain guns that begin in these states. As noted, Ohio shares characteristics with the traditional Iron Pipeline states in that it has weak guns safety laws and has easy access to New York via interstate highway. For this reason and since it contributes 3% of all guns and 4% of handguns, we include it in the New York Pipeline.

New York’s leaders and citizens are deeply committed to ending gun violence and illegal guns in the State. Efforts to reduce gun violence and the scourge of illegal guns through changes in law have been largely successful.

Yet it is often said that gun laws can’t work to keep guns from criminals because criminals don’t obey laws. Critics point to gun violence in American cities that have strong gun laws as evidence that the laws should be abandoned. The lie in those arguments is laid bare by the data: gun laws make it harder for criminals to get guns where those laws are in effect. But it is no doubt true that existing state gun laws are made far less effective when there are guns readily available to criminals in a nearby state with weaker laws.

With no federal framework or baseline for ensuring background checks for private sales or permits for purchasing handguns, New York is at the mercy of states more committed to protecting firearms commerce than protecting the citizenry from the violence associated with illegal guns. The federal government’s inaction on sensible national gun laws, coupled with the lax laws of other states, make states like New York a target of trafficking. In short, New York cannot fully defend itself by itself.

Below we list recommendations at the federal and state level that would help prevent illegal guns from pouring in to New York from other states and propose recommendations for New York State and localities on how to improve in this area absent outside action.

Federal

Require Universal Background Checks; Close the “Gun Show Loophole”

Approximately 90% of the guns in our data had an unregistered transaction, and it is likely that many of these guns changed hands without a background check because private sales under federal law do not require an FFL-administered background check. Requiring these simple checks for private sales and at gun shows will prevent unwitting firearm sales to dangerous and disqualified persons.

Make Gun Trafficking a Federal Crime

Currently, there is no federal law prohibiting gun trafficking. Last year, Senator Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) and Senator Mark Kirk (R-IL) introduced the Gun Trafficking Prevention Act of 2015, in effort to change this. The Act makes it illegal to traffic or conspire in the trafficking of a firearm, to deliver or receive two or more firearms where the individual knows or has reason to believe that the firearms are being sold to a prohibited person, and to lie on an ATF form. Because it carries stiff penalties and allows federal, state, or local law enforcement to use the law, passing the law would help crack down on interstate firearms trafficking.

Expand Access to Summary Trace Data

At present, restrictions in federal appropriations bills – the Tiahrt Amendments – prevent ATF from sharing trace data with agencies and institutions that are not part of law enforcement, but who could help utilize crime gun data to make informed gun policy decisions. Even summary level data – like the kind analyzed in this report – can illuminate unseen problems and trends. If Congress is committed to curbing gun violence, it should loosen the restrictions.

State

Require Licenses to Own Handguns

The data in this report suggest that New York’s licensing requirement for handguns is a strong deterrent for criminals who seek to obtain these firearms. Simply put, they go elsewhere. No state should want to be a destination for violent criminals or a promoter of gun trafficking syndicates. Licensing requirements for handguns are the best way to stop criminals from obtaining the firearms most often used in violent crimes without placing a heavy burden on lawful gun owners.

New York

Pass the Gun Kingpin Bill

Since law enforcement cannot completely stop the out-of-state sale of guns to criminals who import them to New York, the State should amend the penal law to punish traffickers so severely that the business becomes too risky a proposition. Presently, the highest criminal charge gun traffickers can face is a B felony, for illegal sale or illegal possession of ten or more firearms, and there is no difference in charge or penalty between a trafficker who sells 10 or 100 guns. A bill introduced by Senator Jeffrey Klein and Assemblymember Amy Paulin and supported by The New York Attorney General, Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance, the District Attorney’s Association of New York, and the NYPD, would make the illegal sale or illegal possession of over 20 firearms an A-1 felony, with a sentence of 25 to life. The Legislature should pass it and send a message to traffickers who think New York is an attractive market for illegal gun sales to think again.

Share Gun Trace Data and Intelligence

State and local law enforcement in New York should continue to work together to fight the scourge of illegal guns. In addition to using this report and the Tracing Analytics Platform to better target trafficking, we should explore other ways to use trace data to crack down on corrupt FFLs, straw purchasers, and interstate gun traffickers. On this score, NYAG encourages all law enforcement entities to subscribe to eTrace, ATF’s online platform for trace data, and to take advantage of the new functionality that allows agencies to share their trace data with other law enforcement agencies in the state. Doing so will create better collaboration between law enforcement entities and will allow for better subsequent analysis of trafficking patterns.

This section highlights the steps the New York State Office of the Attorney General (“NYAG”) took to collect, clean, and analyze the data outlined in this report.

The University of Chicago

Free and open to the public

Open today 10 am–5 pm

Open today 10 am–5 pm

The first iteration in a three-part exhibition series, Expanding Narratives uses the formal relationship between the figure and the ground in Western art history as a conceptual springboard into discussions around visual representation, the museum space, and the role of the Smart Museum’s collection in fostering the exchange of diverse perspectives.

The exhibition tells a familiar story of aesthetic progress—from naturalism to abstraction to a plurality of contemporary art practices across media—but gives pride of place to the work of women and people of color.Itintroduces the idea of figure and ground and then demonstrates the myriad ways that artists throughout history manipulated, debated, and, in some cases, ultimately eradicated the dichotomy altogether. It features works in a variety of media—drawn from the Smart’s collection and supplemented by a number of important loans from University of Chicago alumni and Chicago-area collectors—including single-point perspective landscape paintings that act almost like windows on the natural world, modern works that play with perspective or use multiple viewpoints, surrealist paintings that create new realities, abstract works that emphasize surface quality and artifice over illusion, and even sculptures and installations that invite the viewer to enter into a figure-ground relationship with the artwork itself.

Through these works, the exhibition examines the social, political, and creative impulses that help drive the creation and subversion of illusionisticspace in art. The Figure and the Ground challengesvisitors to consider all the ways their own senses of perception and perspective can be shaped through the museum space.

Exhibition includes works byKevin Beasley, McArthur Binion, Gustave Caillebotte, Jim Campbell, Nick Cave, Paul Delvaux, Dan Flavin, Sam Gilliam, Jeppe Hein, Rashid Johnson, Lee Krasner, Kerry James Marshall, Joan Mitchell, Alice Neel, Trevor Paglen, Mark Rothko, Cindy Sherman, Sylvia Sleigh, Kara Walker, Jack Whitten, and Kehinde Wiley, among others.

April 24–July 22, 2018

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explores how nineteenth-century French printmaker Félix Buhot dissolved classic distinctions between figure and ground in ways that challenge the limits of the etching medium.

In order to protect these works from damage caused by long-term exposure to light, this section will only be on display for the first half of Expanding Narratives.

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This project is the first chapter of Expanding Narratives , a three-year, three-part collections and exhibitions project. By combining key loans from University of Chicago alumni and Chicago-area collectors with works from the Smart’s collection, the series offers an open platform to examine the composition and role of the Museum’s collection and how the addition of new works can shift and expand the narrative possibilities the Smart can create and share.

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